ABSTRACT
Reflecting on the state of the world after the end of the Cold War, the renowned political philosopher Isaiah Berlin observed that ‘in our modern age, nationalism is not resurgent; it never died’ (Berlin, quoted in Moynihan, 1993: 141). Defying the overly confident assumptions of Marx and Engels, and the latter-day predictions (or hopes) of a number of scholars and political commentators at the end of the 20th century (Breuilly, 1994; Guehenno, 1995; Hobsbawm, 1990; Ohmae, 1992-1993), nationalism has persisted as one of the most powerful, consequential and over-determined forces in contemporary world affairs. Even a cursory scan of today’s newspaper headlines provides further evidence that, in its many forms, nationalism – although the term itself may not always be used – is an increasingly salient factor in global developments and the practice of domestic and foreign policy. Ethnic fissures in a host of ‘fragile states’ have raised questions about the continued viability of some multinational polities, while even in a more stable Europe, which has undergone a decades-long drive toward economic and political integration, nationalism’s stubborn persistence remains a puzzle to some and a comfort to others. From a reassertive Russia and rising China, to a United States grappling with its relative decline, competition among various forms of ‘state-led’ nationalism is creating new tensions in an increasingly multi-polar world. Especially in the Middle East, but also in South Asia and, ever more so, in Africa, nationalism’s complex interrelationship with religion has added yet another volatile dimension to the challenge. Perhaps most significant, as well as perplexing, has been the interplay between nationalism and the integrative, culturally homogenizing, technologically driven imperatives of a globalizing world, which upon close examination can both magnify and dampen its appeal. In sum, nationalism’s effect on contemporary international and domestic politics is as inescapable as it is significant.
